In a recent speech, the Vice Chair for Supervision at the Federal Reserve R.K. Quarles extensively cited F.A. von Hayek. Quarles highlighted Hayek’s argument on freely determined prices as crucial to convey knowledge across operators and enhance a functional economic order. By contrast, he argued, distorted prices harm economic performance. Rather surprisingly, however, Quarles concluded by endorsing another cut of the Fed Funds rates (this line of thinking also applies – mutatis mutandis – to the European context too). Indeed, interest rates are “prices”, and manipulated interest rates are also “biased prices”. So, what should we make of Quarles’ speech?
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In the 2000s, a short book by philosopher Harry Frankfurt made the term ‘bullshit’ socially acceptable. In 2018, anthropologist David Graeber published his bestseller, in which he argued that roughly half of the employment relations in the Western economies are ‘bullshit jobs’: they provide no benefits to society and their purpose remains unclear even to those employed. Graeber’s hypothesis received much praise. After all, it addresses widely spread stereotypes about the alleged uselessness of well-payed jobs in the service sector, for example in marketing, management or consulting.
French President Emmanuel Macron’s spearheaded opposition to block European Union accession talks with Albania and North Macedonia during the European Council’s recent meeting in October. By doing so, he is not only dangerously and severely undermining the credibility of the EU accession process. He is also indicating to the non-EU countries in the Western Balkans and elsewhere that their future lies solely in their hands, as that they cannot rely on the European Union to support them in their efforts to strengthen institutions, reform public policies and further liberalize economies.
Many people share the opinion that Mafia is a typical Italian phenomenon, something about which only Italians should worry. This opinion is wrong. Data recently released by Europol show that thousands of criminal organizations active in Europe can be labelled as of mafia-type, with about 70% of them operating in more than one country.
In many European regions there is indeed evidence of a medium-to-high share of organized crime investments over the total.
The structure of a country’s tax code is an important determinant of its economic performance. The Tax Foundation’s International Tax Competitiveness Index has ranked OECD countries’ tax systems for the last six years, and every year Estonia has been the number one country on the Index while France has remained at the bottom of the rankings.
Summer is not only the season of swimming trunks and barbecues, but also of vociferous politicians. One of the warhorses of this year’s silly season are bans. Whether it is plastic cutlery, oil heating or domestic flights, calls for bans are becoming louder across the political spectrum. Bans, however, are usually not the best way to deal with negative externalities. Politicians can find calling for bans attractive regardless, provided the requested prohibitions match the preferences of their voters, or signal serious engagement. Moreover, by resorting to extreme positions policymakers try to expand their power and authority. Yet, although the demand for bans is frequently used as an instrument to gain votes, we maintain that the state should actually use them only on rare occasions.
The Joint Committee of the three European Supervisory Authorities (European Banking Authority, European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority, European Securities and Market Authority) publishes a quarterly report on risks and vulnerabilities in the European financial system. This report offers hints on how current concerns likely translate into regulation. The Autumn 2019 edition highlights three themes: Brexit, low interests rates, and climate risk. I shall focus on the second topic, which heralds a heavier regulation and a less competitive environment.
On September 10th, California lawmakers have passed the much disputed Assembly Bill 5 that targets a change in the status of gig economy workers, from freelancers to actual employees. The bill allegedly aims to protect workers that are treated unfairly by companies which avoid paying for unemployment benefits, social security and disability insurance. While the bill specifically stipulates that:
„Nothing in this act is intended to diminish the flexibility of employees to work part-time or intermittent schedules or to work for multiple employers.“
It still remains unclear how this bill will affect the business models of collaborative businesses, the status of Uber & Lyft drivers, and the prospects for innovation within the gig economy. Uber’s top lawyer announced that Uber won’t be treating their drivers as employees despite the new law. The reason for that is the fact that Uber does not provide rides, but rather a technology platform for digital marketplaces. The legal battle will be long and costly, just like the one in the UK, where the court ruled that drivers are staff and hence entitled to holiday pay, paid rest breaks and the minimum wage.
In May 2018, Giuseppe Conte became prime minister after an electoral campaign in which Italians were being told that a honey and milk Age was about to begin. It was clear to everybody that an unknown professor of Law, with no political legitimacy (he had not figured prominently in the electoral campaign and was not among the candidates for parliament), could easily top the list of the weakest Prime Ministers in the Italian post-war political history. Indeed, the real power was in the hands of the two ubiquitous vice prime ministers, Matteo Salvini (League) and Luigi Di Maio (5- Star Movement, 5SM). In fact, Di Maio and Salvini were so influential that many commentators considered the Conte cabinet as an original experiment in vice-presidentialism, a system of government you can hardly find in any political science or constitutional law textbook.
Central banks play a prominent role in regulating modern economies. They enjoy a high reputation for their technical competence, and provide analyses and forecasts that influence the behavior of markets and the policymakers’ decisions, with emphasis on monetary policy. What if their forecasts are systematically biased?